Chapter VII
The Way Forward

Provided that institutional and electoral arrangements could be worked which are
fully compliant with the principles governing democratic development in the Basic Law, a consensus in LegCo is forthcoming (a two-thirds majority vote for the HKSARG's democratic development proposals), and sufficient political talents are available to take forward party development, it is not impossible that direct elections for the Chief Executive and LegCo could be held in 2012. If the parliamentary system is adopted and suitable amendments are made to the Basic Law, small changes could be made to the cycles of elections for LegCo and the Chief Executive so that they two cycles could be better dovetailed.

Whether this time-table could materialize would depend on Hong Kong people:
their determination to turn the “Hong Kong People Rule Hong Kong” concept into reality by playing a much more informed and active role in the civil and political life of Hong Kong. Whether as voter, political party member or electoral candidate, the people of Hong Kong need to recognize that the age of “political free rides” is over. If the “Hong Kong People Rule Hong Kong” concept is to succeed and if there is to be early implementation of full democracy in Hong Kong, each citizen must play a part appropriate to his or her level of education and station in life. Only by rational and diligent participation, particularly by the better educated and informed members of the community, can a high-quality, functional and enduring democratic system be built in Hong Kong. Hong Kong’s economic recovery in the past couple of years, engendering greater optimism and stability in the community, provides a valuable democratic moment.

http://www.savantas.org/docs/MA_dissertation_English_Final.pdf

看罷葉劉淑儀在Standford的碩士論文「香港：過渡中社會民主發展的個案研究」，我很失望，而這份感覺又在預期之內。

如果你聽過保皇黨說香港社會還未適合雙普選的立場，這篇論文不過是支持這個立場的報告。你不會看到新鮮的觀點，她不過是重覆大家都知道的事實，基本法規定香港民主發展的條文，香港政黨成員人數極少和缺乏政策研究等。

論文指如果這些條件改善，才有利發展民主制度。我實在不明所以，為什麼不考慮政制民主化會改善社會條件這個因素？這是任何人都清楚知道的事實，如果台灣沒有總統選舉導致的政黨輪替，國民黨會加速改革嗎？

論文樹立了一個假的稻草人，指中央不會容許香港政制帶來任何不確定的後果，換句話講，就是要everything under control。如果香港立法會通過香港獨立，這當然是中央不能容許的，但是，這不等如說普選都會帶來這等後果，只要它的決定不違反基本法和中華人民共和國憲法，就可以了。我覺得，論文帶有一個保守的前提，就是要維持中央對香港某程度的控制，這反映了一國和兩制的緊張關係。

這個問題，有機會，我也想問問鄧老。

現代西方政治哲學的基本問題是，為什麼你有權力統治我？why do you have the authority over me?